Friday, March 07, 2008
Intellectual progress at the NYU Tax Policy Colloquium
One question I raised at the PM session is whether outbound investment is necessarily distinctive in this regard, if what we have in the main is a story about economies of scale and rising vertical / horizontal integration in an era when the general worldwide business environment may be transforming itself. E.g., suppose we did the same type of study regarding whether investment in California by a nationwide firm is a substitute or a complement for investing elsewhere in the US, and got the same result.
But the main topic was the U.S. international tax policy implications, about which I am reluctant to say too much because it would make this post too long and anyway I'm planning to write about it this summer. But one thing that became clear is that exempting outbound investment by US firms does not necessarily emerge as the logical consequence of the paper's findings, and that when Desai, Jim Hines, and others describe exemption or national ownership neutrality (NON) as an efficiency benchmark, they don't mean a tax policy benchmark. To give a sense of the difference, a lump sum tax such as a uniform head tax is in some settings an efficiency benchmark, but not a reasonable proposed policy. In that setting, the complicating issue is concerns of distribution as well as efficiency. In the international setting, the complicating issue is that one is choosing between inefficient tax instruments and attempting to minimize overall inefficiency.
I call this post "Intellectual progress at the NYU Tax Policy Colloquium" not because of that point in particular, but because it was one of those sessions - meeting our ideal, which one can't always do - at which the group dynamics and interplay resulted in advancing the thinking of lots of participants about these issues. It was a collective exercise and perhaps will show up in the future writings of several of us.
Wednesday, March 05, 2008
My letter to the editor of Tax Notes
[A]t least one of [Warren's] key conclusions, dismissing the BEIT plan as having no apparent rationale, is overly harsh in an important way. I therefore wish to augment the debate by explaining why, in my view, the BEIT remains an important corporate tax reform proposal that merits further attention notwithstanding any defects in its current form that he may have demonstrated.
I should note, however, that in two respects my analysis here is orthogonal, rather than directly responsive, to
Second, one reason I consider the BEIT potentially appealing relates to a possible direction of U.S. tax law change that neither Kleinbard nor Warren considers because it has not happened yet, and indeed may never happen. Purely as a matter of prediction, and without regard to the policy merits (though they might be positive), I believe there is a strong chance that worldwide competitive pressures will lead the United States to adopt a corporate tax rate that is significantly below the top individual rate .... [This] would give new importance to the way in which the BEIT relates entity level and investor level tax collection.
Only one previously proposed corporate integration plan resembles the BEIT in its approach to the income tax distinction between debt and equity: the comprehensive business income tax (CBIT) that the U.S. Treasury Department proposed in 1992. In effect, the CBIT would revise the tax treatment of debt to be more like that of equity, by denying deductions for interest at the business level and making the receipt of both interest and dividends generally tax-free to investors. The BEIT reverses this, making the tax treatment of equity more like that of debt, by providing cost of capital deductions at the company level along with inclusions at the investor level.
This reconciliation between the tax treatment of debt and equity, accomplished by both the CBIT and the BEIT, could be enormously important. Modern financial innovation has made the tax distinction between the two types of instrument ever more porous and manipulable. Insofar as investors can slap whichever label they prefer on whatever sort of investment position they wish to have, the debt-equity distinction amounts to an election to use either the corporation’s tax rate (via the use of equity) or one’s own (via the use of debt), whichever is lower. It is hard to think of a good rationale for such an election, and allowing it might be all the more significant if the corporate rate were reduced significantly below the top individual rate.
Why reverse the CBIT approach and tax the normal return at the investor rather than the corporate level? This has been my main concern about the BEIT, as the change might not make enough difference to be worth the trouble if the corporate rate and the top individual rate are the same. However, if I am right in my surmise that the corporate rate may soon be lowered significantly below the top individual rate, then at some point it really will matter. What is more, one could argue that the BEIT approach is better in this scenario, if the reason for the lower corporate rate is entity-level capital mobility that does not apply in the same way to high-income individuals who are
Tuesday, March 04, 2008
Published at last
The Tax Prof blog has more of the details at http://taxprof.typepad.com/taxprof_blog/2008/03/bankman-shaviro.html
In this exchange, the problem is that we are talking past each other a bit. I am more interested in the pure analytics, they in what is likely to be one's practical bottom-line conclusion. I don't think they really disagree with me about the analytics, only they seem to me a little less interested in looking there as a pure intellectual exercise. And I don't disagree with them about the likely bottom line conclusion in favor of a consumption tax.
Was I just nitpicking? I don't think so. It's important to have a really clean grasp of the analytics before proceeding with real world conclusions, which one should do as well but with all due intellectual reticence given the gap between simplified economic models and real world implementations.
Overheard in my Pilates class
"Obama is STUPID. He should have waited his turn. All my friends are voting for McCain if he wins. His wife is a problem."
Talk of being true to your demographic ...
Monday, March 03, 2008
Adventures in rock concerts
Other recent album purchases: new releases by Ray Davies (still a great songwriter and vocalist) and Stephen Malkmus (won't know until it's released tomorrow), plus the reissue of Nick Lowe's Jesus of Cool.
Tax policy colloquium session on my tax & accounting paper
Kevin began the day unenthusiastic about my admittedly tentative proposal, under which publicly traded companies' taxable income would be adjusted part-way (say, 50 percent) towards an adjusted measure of the financial accounting income of the same affiliated group of companies. But in the course of the colloquy he acknowledged to moving in the direction of greater sympathy for my approach, in particular because it tries to address the downside to a full-fledged "one book" approach, which I locate primarily in legislative politics.
Some of the flavor of the discussion at the colloquium session is captured in a new subsection I added near the end of the paper, addressing particular critiques that I have heard often.
"1. Why not simply increase penalties and regulatory oversight? Doing so might be a good idea whether or not the taxable income adjustment was adopted. Moreover, insofar as it reduced the magnitude of the problems posed by tax sheltering and earnings management, it would
"2. Why not instead directly improve the systems’ income definitions? This as well would be
"3. How can going halfway towards a one-book system be a good idea, if going all the way is not? The experience of countries such as
I have now sent the paper to a bunch of leading student-edited law reviews and am hoping for the best.
Tuesday, February 26, 2008
Academic wars in corporate tax reform
It would be fair to say that Al is not a huge fan of the BEIT, which he assesses as unworkable and unmotivated in the sense of lacking a good rationale for its key design choices. I feel that his critique is too harsh, referring here to the content not the tone of his piece. In other words, even if he is right that the BEIT in its exact currently proposed form doesn't work, I see considerably more value and reasonable motivation (in the sense of real problems addressed) than Al does. So rather than casting the BEIT and its author into the innermost circle of hell, which is one takeaway readers could conceivably derive from Al's critique, I think it ought to remain an important player in how we think about business tax reform alternatives. My letter to the editor will say a bit more about this, in addition to being purely on the substance rather than musing about the background as I am doing here.
While one should never be mealy-mouthed in one's critiques to the point of failing to inform readers properly of the merits as one sees them, I feel there was room for a more sympathetic inquiry than Al delivered - in the sense of asking what problems the proposal might be trying to solve, what we might learn that is of value from particular pieces even if we don't like it as a whole, and what underlying constraints (e.g., bad tax rules that we know we will be forced to live with in any event) might help explain any of the features. Adopting a more sympathetic tone in this sense, without being mealy-mouthed, leads to a better tax reform debate both directly, because one's critique may be improved by it, and indirectly, by encouraging more inclusive discussions.
Have I ever fallen short of this? Well, I don't claim to be a saint or to lack occasional impulsiveness and strong reactions. In general, I'd rather be rude "up" than "down" in the hierarchy, which means I need to be ever nicer as the years go on. If, or perhaps I should say when, I fall short I am certainly willing to have it pointed out to me.
Friday, February 22, 2008
Tax policy colloquium session on horizontal equity
There's a bit of a generational aspect to this, I suppose, just as with Sarah Lawsky last week, in that my peer group is the one that purported to throw out HE with the trash.
Brian mainly argues for HE on grounds concerning procedural norms that may improve decisions in an imperfect political setting, rather than as something that (like welfare-based norms) matters for its own sake. So I would compare the argument he is making to support for, say, a takings compensation rule like that in the U.S. Constitution, or the constraint barring nominally retroactive changes (e.g., raising the income tax rate with retroactive application to the last 20 years) that I discussed in my transitions book, When Rules Change. But I couldn't entirely get a handle on exactly how the argument goes.
In terms of HE for its own sake, I made a point that I think a lot of people in the tax policy literature have missed (though Kaplow, Auerbach, and Hassett get it) concerning the potential irrelevance of whether one subscribes to HE or not, and the resulting purely semantic character of many HE debates. Consider David Bradford's argument that a consumption tax is fairer than an income tax because it doesn't overtax savers relative to immediate consumers when the two have the same budget lines but different inter-temporal consumption preferences. David posed this as an HE argument, and many responses said: So what, if we don't like HE.
But David's argument was relevant, whether one agrees with it or not, even wholly without HE. To accomplish vertical equity (VE) or suitable progressive redistribution, you need to rank people on a vertical scale from best-off to worst-off, so that you know how much everyone should pay or get. ("Vertical" and "better or worse off" may be misnomers insofar as the scale depends on factors, such as the number of children in the household, that affect the marginal utility of a dollar, and thus distributive desert in a utilitarian framework, without regard to whether they systematically affect how well-off one is deemed to be.) HE concerns equal treatment of two people at the same point on the scale but, as Kaplow has repeatedly argued, you need to do this for purposes of VE whether you separately care about HE or not. So even if you don't care about HE, Bradford's argument, that a consumption tax measure gets the vertical scale right while an income tax gets it wrong, remains completely pertinent.
Why does subscribing or not to HE matter at all in this framework? Borrowing from the idea behind an Auerbach-Hassett paper from some years back, I put it this way. Suppose a person who is otherwise a utilitarian, but hasn't decided yet whether or not to differentially weight utility gains or losses under the influence of HE, is considering two wealth transfers, each bad in itself but leading to an efficiency gain that increases other people's utility. The first would violate HE (but also VE, as Kaplow notes) by transferring a certain number of dollars from A to B, who previously were equally well off, leading to a utility loss from the redistribution (because as A gets poorer her marginal utility of a dollar increases) in the amount of X utiles. The second would only violate VE, by transferring dollars from C to D, where C was already poorer, also leading to a utility loss from the redistribution of X utiles. If you nonetheless weight the first utility loss more than the second utility loss in your social welfare function, thereby departing from strict utilitarianism, by reason of the fact that A and B started out as equal, then you are relying on horizontal equity, albeit consistently with welfarism.
Suppose the utility consequences of the efficiency gains that accompanied the wealth transfers from A to B and from C to D were equal to each other (and greater than X). A welfarist who believed in HE, but not a strict utilitarian, might oppose the former transfer and support only the latter one, solely by reason of using HE in her social welfare function. (I ignore here the question of how the HE proponent might need to think about the utility gains from the efficiency enhancement.) So we have a theoretical case - albeit a painfully abstract and bloodless one - in which subscribing or not to HE actually does matter.
When Kevin presented the Auerbach-Hassett paper at the colloquium many years ago, I responded by quoting the Jeff Goldblum character in Jurassic Park, who says: "You did it because you could! You never bothered to ask whether you should!" In other words, I complained that while it worked logically, and showed that HE can be reconciled with a welfare framework (contrary to what Kaplow had argued), it remained unmotivated, at least for me.
But given how abstract and third-hand the example where HE matters turns out to be, perhaps the real lesson is that it doesn't matter so much. When people make HE arguments that are not just status quo bias or simplistic takes either on transition issues or on how market prices respond to tax preferences, they often are arguing about the correct vertical scale, an issue that anyone interested in the fiscal system's effect on distribution must take seriously.
Wednesday, February 20, 2008
Vignettes from a short trip
Friday, February 15, 2008
Tax policy colloquium session on probability of tax positions' correctness
One thing I'll say for Sarah, she definitely came in with some flair. A key feature of the paper that she came to NYU to present is its criticizing moi (of all people), in this case for a hypothetical in a paper of mine discussing tax penalties, in which I suggest that a taxpayer taking ten positions, each 90 percent likely to correct, might on average have one incorrect position. As she rightly notes, the example treats as a frequentist or objective probability something that in practice we probably need to construe in subjective probability terms, concerning degrees of belief by the person who judges it as 90 percent.
I didn't see, when writing my paper, or when reading her paper, or in the discussion yesterday, how (correctly) recasting the probability I invoked in my hypothetical as subjective rather than frequentist does anything to change significantly my analysis or conclusions. I would say the modification makes my conclusions (supporting no-fault penalties) even stronger, given how taxpayers can exploit (and how the government can use) uncertainty about uncertainty. But this was an early draft of her paper and I am hoping she will develop a really interesting analysis of how thinking in subjectivist terms matters to compliance and penalty issues.
The most deflating thing about it all was having one's nose rubbed in the brute fact of the passage of time. Time was that I and others in my age cohort (law professors such as Bankman, Griffith, Kaplow, Fried, Strnad, McCaffery, and Weisbach) were the young pups criticizing the work of the prior generation, and sometimes meeting a rough reception. Now we're the establishment (as Sarah crisply, and I would say irrefutably, informed me) and thus can expect similar treatment from younger persons of spirit. I believe we'll be a lot nicer about it, however. But then again let's not revisit the dead past, or revive disputes that by this point have been so fully resolved that they tend to show up, if at all, purely as schtick.
Wednesday, February 13, 2008
Bright side of the Clemens hearings
But the true bright side of today's Congressional hearings relates to a comment I made at the colloquium last week. Chris Sanchirico said he found it disproportionate for the Congress to have devoted so much attention to the private equity issue when (especially if it is just a matter of tax rate "arbitrage," as he believes) there are so many bigger issues to consider. But I pointed out that Congress could certainly do worse things with its time than hold multiple hearings on an arguably secondary issue that it wasn't going to do anything about anyway. After all, just think of the stimulus package.
From that perspective, it's nice to see them spinning their wheels on the central policy issue of our day, whether Roger Clemens took HGH, rather than engaging in yet more affirmative mischief.
Change in NYU Tax Policy Colloquium schedule
Sunday, February 10, 2008
Longest exercise session ever
Friday, February 08, 2008
Tax policy colloquium session on private equity
These afternoon meetings follow a morning session with just the students, and then lunch with the speaker to hash things out. One nice thing about the morning session, I felt it was the first time this semester that it became entirely clear that the morning class had established a good vibe or dynamic and come to life as an institution with a history. Just as the New York Giants need to start from ground zero all over again next year, one funny thing about teaching is that each new class you teach is an organic entity unto itself - you collectively start without any established chemistry even if the teacher and a number of the students know each other. This takes time, which can be an adjustment if you know that in the past you've had a good vibe, as I think has usually been true in the colloquium. Anyway, at the risk of being too optimistic or out of touch, I did feel that we've now gotten there to a degree this year.
As for the PM discussion of the paper, though Kevin Hassett was the discussion leader I made some points about the private equity issue that I won't repeat here as they've appeared in past blog entries. The central focus of the discussion was on two related aspects of Chris's analysis. First, though reasoning by analogy is generally a bad idea in the tax policy realm - one needs to think about substitutes for a given activity that you are deciding how to tax, but that is different - it has arguably been so central to the private equity debate that the paper takes it on. In particular, David Weisbach arguably influenced the politics of the debate (assuming that it wasn't just an interest group story) by raising the ever-popular analogy to sweat equity. Chris rejects the analogy, although the degree of its applicability turns out to rely on semantic aspects of how one defines everything. This of course is one of the problems with reasoning by analogy, leaving aside the problem of its normative emptiness.
More substantively, Chris argues for the relative importance of tax rate differences between the players in the private equity world (e.g., tax-exempt limited partners paying incentive-based compensation to a taxable general partner), as compared to the problems of timing and conversion of ordinary income into capital gain. The main reason for downplaying the latter, which I consider the heart of the issue, is that in practice people are getting the conversion anyway, independently of these arrangements, even if they shouldn't. There was what I would call a spirited debate concerning the importance and implications of the point Chris emphasized about tax rate-driven joint planning.
At times it was a bit more like the McLaughlin Group than a typical academic seminar. The big plus to this, from my standpoint, though I might have preferred more light and less heat, is that it reflected the PM sessions' having established an institutional life of their own. When something has a life of its own, the organizers can't control it entirely any more, which, in this case at least, really is good on balance. Better for the thing to have a life of its own than to find oneself droning to an empty room, which certainly has not been my experience this semester.
Tuesday, February 05, 2008
More on the stimulus package - or, does Larry Summers need an economics lesson?
According to Brad DeLong on his blog:
"On the phone just now, Larry Summers just moved me appreciably toward enthusiastic support of the stimulus package by arguing, roughly:
- The big arguments against the stimulus package are two:
- It will become a destructive lobbyist Christmas tree
- It will increase the deficit and yet fail to stimulate the economy
- We appear to have dodged the bullet on the first argument
- The second argument is incoherent because:
- The U.S. government is not going to go bankrupt
- Hence the reason to fear increasing the deficit is the fear that increasing the deficit will reduce national saving
- But if the stimulus package fails to boost spending, it will be because people save their tax rebate checks, in which case the stimulus will have no effect on national saving. Hence you can believe: *Either that the stimulus package will be ineffective as a stimulus but will not reduce national saving--in which case it is a zero.
- Or that it will be effective as a stimulus--in which case it will be both good for employment and probably good for national saving as well, because few things are worse for national saving than a recession.
- But the argument that the stimulus package is bad because it will be ineffective at boosting demand and will reduce national savings is not coherent."
1) The two types of savings effects that he identifies are not symmetric because their time frames are different. If I deposit a $500 check in the bank rather than spending it immediately, feeling $500 wealthier but not immediately buying more things, I may still increase my spending gradually. Suppose the time frame over which the largesse affects me is 5-10 years. The result is next to no economic stimulus, but within a few years $500 less national saving.
2) Writing people checks increases economic distortion because it is in effect a lump sum spending levy that will end up being financed with distortionary taxes. True, the handouts relate to past income tax liability, which depends on past work and savings decisions. But they are handed out after the fact and ostensibly won't be repeated except in unpredictable special circumstances. And while in theory one could finance them with extra lump sum taxes, as a matter of political economy that is unlikely to happen. So we are increasing the likely economic distortion imposed by the fiscal system if we do it without getting effective stimulus.
3) Summers is too glib about the U.S. government not going bankrupt. We are headed towards a huge fiscal policy sustainability problem which can be very disruptive. Default is only the far end of the curve but by no means the only bad part, nor does it differ by more than degree from various politically realistic kinds of implicit default (which in fact could come pretty close to it in their adverse impact on the economy as a whole or various detrimentally relying individuals). Barring effective stimulus, this package makes the problem $145 billion worse. Every little bit hurts.
So there you have it. Law prof or not, I am willing to call out Larry Summers on a matter of basic macroeconomics as well as microeconomic tax policy.
Early election returns
Monday, February 04, 2008
I've watched these ten times in a row, but I'm not done yet
Budget deficit projections for 2009-2018
Tax policy colloquium session on incidence of the corporate tax
Wednesday, January 30, 2008
Small bit of good news on the pop music front
The other "lost"album in this sense that I have impatiently been awaiting, leaving aside bootlegs such as Neil Young's Chrome Dreams, is Tom Verlaine's Dreamtime, which I have but only as an old 33.